Notes in the middle of the (battle) field

Ana Longoni

 
Text written for Trama’s first publication. Buenos Aires, 2001.


Any reflection about the state of the field of the visual arts(1) on the last decade in Argentina, will inevitably face the question regarding the reasons for the dissociation in three separate compartments of the theoretical or histographic discourses; the artistic criticism discourses and the discourses "under construction" (the artistic productions or interventions). What do I mean by this? University research on art history and theory treasure a thorough body of knowledge that hardly goes beyond the tight Academy walls, while cultural officers and art critics consecrated by the media repeat and adapt their clichés to the best bidder and artists delegate the theory on others, considering it an imposed intrusion in catalogues that says little, if anything, about the works (which frequently ends up being an accurate judgement). A triple-aisle of parallel lines that, challenging the theorem, never cross each other.
Of course there are exceptions to this gross outline that I am giving, and not few of them. Besides, I dare suggest there are symptoms –though limited– that something is changing. The very recognition of these territorial boundaries, somehow triggers -in an incipient way- to imagine bridges, incursions, links, fusions, contaminations, and debates that can provide renewed blood to our self-referential practices and interventions in the art field.
What signs am I referring to? I will list some facts, with no particular order or hierarchy. One: Santiago García Navarro (2) analyses the uprising of a series of "theoretical young artists" who encourage "the appearance and consolidation of diverse alternative places" and stands for the polyphony of the critic in the graphic media. Two: some thorough historical studies have reached public state (through publications or exhibition curatorship), which make Gonzalo Aguilar suggest that we are facing "an inflection in the Argentine [cultural] critic." (3) Even the corporate initiative of a bank supporting the Argentine art, spreads some of the voices of the Academic world, both in luxurious formats and in massive collectable booklets. Three: some meetings, round tables and public debates are gathering people who (restricted to one of these three areas) had never even heard of each other before, and now are planning common strategies. Four:


Clement Moreau's illustration

the so far eighteen numbers of "Ramona" magazine point out –among other things– a "writing eagerness" within artists, by which some critics and art historians have felt threatened. Five: the very existence of Trama appears as the generator of a favourable environment in which a group of artists could attempt to construct theory based on their own production. This enumeration could go on, but I will leave it here.

2
If the mentioned divorce between theory and practice could be attributable to the education (mainly practical) of the artists in art schools and workshops, and the education (exclusively theoretical) of university art historians, it is convenient to consider that other contexts (the Chilean university system, for instance) are clearly different. In that sense, it might be useful to introduce here the distinction made by the French Pierre Baqué among research on the visual arts, investigation by the visual arts and investigation in the visual arts(4). The first stage concerns aesthetics, art history and sociology, and appeals to a certain method or rigour that claims to be scientific. The second stage concerns the artists, as they must build their creation, invent it. Here, the method is at any rate defined by each artist. The third, research in the visual arts, combines or integrates the two previous stages. If the purpose is to create a work of art, this will be at the same time the support of an investigation. Blaqué says about this: "the procedure is more complex. In perspective: a concern, then an idea, and finally a subject, a theme, a problem, a method in which practice and theory converge, in which one or many answers to the initial questions are worked out."

3
The obvious true that the last dictatorship had among its most persisting effects the block-out of the collective memory has, in the artistic field, a form that is not so easily recognisable: the impossibility of establishing dialogues, relationships, genealogies between contemporary art and artists, and the events that took place not so long ago (at least in terms of years.)
An obstacle –inevitable until not far ago to those who intended to walk any of the paths that lead to the revision of these inter-artistic links– was the destruction, the absence or the privatisation of archives and files in which one could have access to the necessary documentation to face this task. Nowadays, public –but not governmental– initiatives, such as those of Fundación Espigas or the CeDInCI (that covers a not so specific but also relevant spectrum in relationship with the visual arts) at least mitigate the difficulty as regards the consulting of the sources.
The essence of the problem falls nowadays mainly in the manner in which the ideas circulate and in the ways in which they reach legitimacy. In this respect, I believe we should highlight the strong political mark implicit in the forced discourse regarding the dis-politicization of the art history. In the following pages, I will try to clarify this point, as it concerns the ways of reading that, from the present, define the sense(s) of the past.

4
One of the dimensions that generally remains concealed, both in the art and in the political history in Argentina, is the one that points at the complex connections between the visual arts and the different expressions of the left during the 20th century. At his stage, it cannot be said that the existing historiography hides or denies the fact that Berni kept a changing but intense connection with the Communist party, just to mention an essential character of Argentine art. But it is evident that the political aspect becomes irrelevant; it is considered as merely accidental or anecdotal and not so much as a dimension that is present not only in artist’s life but in his work and his positioning in the artistic field.
Throughout the different scenarios of the past century, the art history interlaces with the history of the lefts in different ways, generating a common body of production, circulation and reception of cultural products. It is not a peaceful connection, but a path full of tension, conflict and affinity, public debate and secret support. The reconstruction of the most outstanding moments of this concurrence is a complex task and it is mostly a pending issue.
The reasons for this postponement are of various kinds. The historiography of art, that has a predominantly esthetical outlook that avoids the "contamination" of its object, tends to relegate, ignore or diminish the political dimension of the positioning of the artists and their productions. At the same time, in the political historiography, artistic issues are regarded as merely ornamental, illustrations of the word, ignoring their revolting potential and specificity. More specifically, the very history of the Argentine left is mostly a pending issue, in spite of the fact that their political and cultural role has been relevant in "the creation of unions, associations and cooperatives, in activism and cultural diffusion as well as in their political participation in the most outstanding events of this century, as the "Semana Trágica" and the "Cordobazo." (5)
It is therefore important to consider in the analysis the situation of the visual artists within the artistic field, their participation, production, the circulation channels of their work, the critic it received, the ideas regarding the artistic production with which they agreed or debated, etc. As regards the "lefts", the use of the plural is to show the diversity of elements that can be considered within the term. Not only in connection with political party organisations and their public or official cultural politics but also understanding "the culture of the lefts" in a wider sense; the circulation of people and ideas (libertarian, anarchist, socialist, communist, trotskyist, foquist, maoist, etc.) within certain cultural environments, the disputes and polemics generated as well as its repercussions and pressures on the artistic activity.
That is to say, that the task would include a re-reading of the existing historiography as well as the exploration of novel aspects regarding the meeting of two dimensions: the artistic and the politics of the lefts, in certain milestones of the last century. The starting assumption is that this is a tense relationship, full of shades, comings and goings, but that it undoubtedly brings forth a productive and illuminating aspect regarding the positions and productions that so far have been overlooked or just glanced over. All this could lead into a re-writing of (some aspects of) the history of the Argentine art in the last century from a new perspective, unravelling aesthetic-political aspects, productions, practices, artists and ideas that have been left aside or just barely looked at, up to now.

5
Some of the key moments in the history of the Argentine art of the 20th century acquire a new dimension when considering their intersecting and overlapping with the politics of the lefts. These are some of the milestones in the cultural history in which the articulation of arts and politics attempted to surpass, by different means and limits, the traditional artistic practice, and tended to inscribe it in life, frequently implying a reformulation, not only of the ways of producing art, but also of the ways of doing politics. An approach that is limited to considering only the "autonomous" aspects of the artistic field will leave aside aspects such as:
The artists’ intention that their own productions could intervene as tools in the political or social struggle.
The implicit or explicit directives that political organisations issued to artists engaged in or close to their lines, and how this influenced their productions by favouring certain languages, genres and formats; how it determined the circulation of their works; how it stimulated or discouraged their work.
The connection between the artistic and the political avant-garde; the overlapping and debates of which are fruitful and give rise to totally novel experiences.

Which are –broadly speaking– these scenarios, that could be more accurately and correctly defined in a future research program?

The production and position in the artistic field of the "Artistas del Pueblo". The influence of the aesthetic ideas of Proudhon, Bakunin, Tolstoi, Renan and Kropotkin in the Argentine anarchism. The influence of the ideas on art of Sorel, Berth and Pelloutier in the anarchic-syndicalism. The graphic and plastic proposal of "La protesta" and other anarchistic publications: opening to the avant-garde aesthetics. The preponderance of graphics and prints as political art formats. In contrast to the "avant-garde attitude" the "Artistas del Pueblo" disdain the experimentation within the plastic language, building a proposal fastened to already surpassed esthetical criteria. But this observation is not enough: one has to consider its definition of an art with social and political intentions, that implies the personal commitment of the artist, who puts


Dirigente sindical
Tristán's illustration

himself at the disposal of workers’ organisations, defining as from that intention the formats, the means and the techniques to be applied, the circulation channels, etc. It is also necessary to examine their interventions in the artistic field against the Academy, which entailed the rupture of those with the most radical positions with the "art institution" in the twenties. (6)
Artistic avant-garde and political avant-garde in the twenties. There should be an analysis of the opposition of two mutually excluding poles within the renovation (Florida versus Boedo, art for the art itself versus committed art), in their border zones and intersections. Connections between the avant-garde groups and the anarchising political positions. The impact of the Russian revolution on the cultural field. The esthetical proposal of magazines like Martin Fierro, Prisma, Claridad.
In the thirties, the leftist modernity finds its formulation in an avant-garde note: the formal preoccupations merge with the political preoccupations. The influence of the Communist Party and the aesthetic doctrine of Plejanov. "Organic" artists and "road mates". Intellectual support to the Spanish Republic, impact of the Civil War and the arrival of the republican exiles. The aesthetic theory of Elías Castelnuovo ("El Arte y las Masas", Buenos Aires, Claridad, c. 1933). The aesthetic ideas of Héctor Raurich. The Antonio Berni’s case, the "New Realism" and the "Mutualidad" (Rosario). At his return from Europe, Berni considers that the formal transformations are not enough to give rise to a true artistic revolution, and intends to build, along with a group of young Rosarine experimental artists, an aesthetic that combines "the new" with the revolutionary utopia. As from there, he defends the reflecting of the real world (the social evils: unemployment, misery, war) giving rise to the formulation of the New Realism. The positions on arts and politics of Facio Hebecquer. The incidence of Siqueiros and the propagation of the muralism as the dogma of political art.
The abstract art that appeared in the forties as the new avant-garde. The group gathered around the magazine Arturo, the "Madi" experience (for Dialectic Materialism), the "Asociación de Arte Concreto-Invención". Tomás Maldonado and the impact of the utopian ideas of the Bauhaus. Raúl Lozza´s "perceptismo". Polemics and rupture with the Communist Party of the group lead by Cayetano Córdova Iturburu. Survival of Lozza in the party rows in times of the "socialist realism" dogma.
By the end of the sixties, a new avant-garde rises, connected to the modernising institutional circuit, and in articulation with the bloom of the cultural New Left. Incidence of the ideas on art of Marxist thinkers as Althusser, Gramsci, Della Volpe. New ruptures with the Communist Party: the experience of "La Rosa Blindada" and "Pasado y Presente". Impact of the Cuban Revolution on the cultural field. Rupture of a part of the avant-garde with the "Instituto Di Tella," and displacement to the "CGT de los Argentinos," the carrying out of "Tucumán Arde." Definition of a "New Aesthetic," inscribed in the revolutionary process. Other manifestations of the "ideological conceptualism" in the early seventies. Strategies of the political art within and outside the institutional boundaries. Art on times of armed violence.
As from the eighties, street visual interventions and urban action take place in connection with human rights’ mobilisations. Silhouettes, handkerchiefs, hands and other images that lay in the city landscape the reference/invocation to the "detained-disappeared" Argentines. The experience of "CAPATACO," "GASTAR" and other political art groups. The mail-art as an alternative to the ordinary circuits and canonical formats. The production of Edgardo Vigo. Art in photocopies. Contemporary groups of political art in the streets: "Grupo de Arte Callejero y Etcétera" (Buenos Aires), "Costuras Urbanas" (Córdoba), "En Tránsito" (Rosario).
However, this list is arbitrary and risky in its inclusions and omissions. It does not intend to be more than a draft to be debated, in the hypothesis (or bet) that there could be a tendency to conform a network of research (research on, by and in) for a critical assessment on the issue.

6
To round up, I would like to propose some topics or force-ideas that appear repeatedly when thinking of the connections between art and politics.
The tension between formal renovation and social content, between artistic avant-garde and political commitment, present in the productions, reflections and public

interventions of the artists. This dilemma is not only manifest in the conscience of the creators, but it is also patent in their productions, in the artistic means they choose, the circuits in which exhibit their works, the public they address. It is not necessarily a matter of choice between one end of the disjunctive or the other; it is about developing a set of complex and frequently contradictory strategies, within or in the boundaries of the artistic field. Sometimes, there are attempts to resolve this tension by searching for a new aesthetic, not only for the repertory of themes, procedures and artistic materials, but also for its insertion/inscription in a reformist or revolutionary project –utopian or immediate.
It is more than productive to bare in mind the polemics around the representation of the political content in art, the debates about realism and abstraction, the effects (in the works, and in the discourse about the works) of the "socialist realism" dogma, its promoters, displacements, reformulation, detractors and followers.
In connection with the avant-garde utopias that claim to transform art and life, they are questioning the autonomy of art, understood as the loss of the function of art within the bourgeois society. The avant-gardists’ aspiration is to reinsert art in life, so as to overcome that breach (as pointed out by Bürger in the mentioned text). These attempts, of high political-utopian potential, frequently take up the form of a radical change of language, the search for a new public and specially the impetus to contributing from the art to change society.
The relationship art/politics also faces a tension focus in the function that politics confers to art. The granting of a place of propaganda or of celebration of the political lyrics has often contended with the aspiration of the most absolute creative freedom. There is frequently an inclination to harmonise the creative power of the individual with the imaginative impulse of society.

What appears as evident in view of this diversity of problems to be considered is the heterogeneity of formal resolutions of the so-called "political art". Whenever there is an attempt to regard art as a mere tool for propaganda, a collection of works and lives resist it –sometimes mute, sometimes paradoxical, sometimes giggling– awaiting new approaches. Approaches that do not fail to acknowledge what they carry of the prejudices of their time when drawing near excesses.

Teacher and researcher at UBA, University of Buenos Aires, member of the board of directors of CeDInCI (Center for the documentation and research of culture of the left-wing in Argentina), co-writer of the book "Del Di Tella a Tucumán Arde" (Buenos Aires, El cielo por asalto, 2000) and "De los poetas malditos al videoclip" (Buenos Aires, Cántaro, 1998).

(1)
For the notion of "artistic field" I refer to Pierre Bourdieu, "Las reglas del arte," Barcelona, Anagrama, 1995.

 

(2)
"Crítica a los críticos", Ramona magazine, number 17, Buenos Aires, October 2001.

 

(3)
"La presencia de una nueva voz,", Prismas magazine, number 5, Unqui, Quilmes, 2001.

 

(4)
"Algunas preguntas, reflexiones y comentarios sobre una práctica universitaria de investigación en artes plásticas", Cuadernos de la Escuela de Arte, nž 1, Santiago, 1996.

 

(5)
Jorge Cernadas, Roberto Pittaluga and Horacio Tarcus, "Para una historia de la izquierda en la Argentina: reflexiones preliminares", El Rodaballo magazine, nž 6/7, winter of 1997.

 

(6)
Peter Bürger, Teoría de la vanguardia, Barcelona, Península, 1987.